Svart eller vitt, bra eller dåligt, som inte bygger på annat än antaganden och egna fördomar är inget annat än privata fantasier. Varför inte leta upp lite information? Det finns ju massvis av statistik, undersökningar och vetenskapliga avhandlingar på ämnet. Här kommer lite oöversatt fakta man kan hitta om prostitution och sexualiteten i Thailand...
The number of commercial sex workers in Thailand was estimated to be around 500,000 to 700,000 in 1980 (Thepanom Muangman, Public Health Faculty, Mahidol University; cited in Keyes 1984). The clientele of these sex workers have been estimated to be about 80 percent Thai (data cited in Manderson 1992). Most sex workers in rural and urban areas work in establishments such as brothels, restaurants, bars, or erotic massage parlors, all of which are under the management by men. “Direct” sex workers, or those who have sex with their clients on the premises, such as in brothels or erotic cafes, usually charge lower fees and, therefore, are popular among working-class and younger men. “Indirect” sex workers work under the premise of selling other services, such as massage or dancing, with the option to have sex with clients who offer to off them (or take them out) for an additional sum or fee. In 1990, the Sentinel Surveillance reported that each sex worker had an average of two customers per night, with the mean of 2.6 for direct sex workers, and 1.4 for indirect sex workers.
Tjänar de 200 baht per kund, oräknat andra inkomster som löner och dricks så tjänar de mer än som fabriksarbetare. Det är dessutom troligt att de tjänar mer än de 200 per kund.
After years of living through the sociocultural changes which have put more strains on rural women, being a sex worker to support one's family has become an acceptable value in several communities in the north. Many of these girls return home with honor, marry, and repeat the cycle by sending their own daughters into the sex business when they come of age (Phongpaichit 1982; Limanonda 1993). Almost all sex workers are clear about their desire to quit working in the sex industry once their goals of income are met, and many would return to their native villages to marry and take care of their parents. Upon reintegration into the village, women who have worked as sex workers may be subject to condemnation, but it is usually based not on their prostitution, but on their having sex outside of marriage (Manderson 1992). This offense, however, can be amended by their active accumulation of merit, such as caretaking of parents and helping local charities. In any case, many women have already been recognized by family and the community for their previous remittances during the years of work in the city, as their financial contributions are already evident in the family's house, motorcycle, and even donations to the local temple.
Här kommer diverse klipp från undersökningar och avhandlingar som i kan hjälpa till att ge en bild av sexualiteten och synen på prosituerade i Thailand.
However, the men's sexual desires are often perceived as insatiable, with an immature, uncontrollable character like a child's craving - yet “naturally” and “instinctually” driven in a way that can hardly be limited to their spouses
Married women sometimes encouraged their husbands to visit sex workers, in part so they could be relieved of the obligation to serve their husband's sexual demands, and possibly to prevent the husband's worse crime of having a stable, emotionally committed relationship with a minor wife.
A majority of men, 90 percent, had had sex with a female sex worker, mostly starting between the ages of 15 to 18. By the age of 16, about half of the sample had had their first visit to a female sex worker
Taking care of men's sexual needs by offering services from a sex worker is considered part of hospitality in many business dealings. Upon arrival in a new city, traveling men or male tourists often make a point of visiting local brothels or erotic massage parlors as local attractions.
As many sex workers have reported, because an unmarried woman's virtue is eminently tied to her virginity, a woman who has lost her virginity has nothing to lose in choosing the path of commercial sex (Thorbek 1988).
Together, the non-professional women who exchange sex for money and the “carefree” single women in the urban nightlife and singles scenes are categorized as ying ruk sanuk, or “fun-loving women,” or the slang kai long, or “stray chicken.” These “depraved” women are seen as “only good for sex but not suitable for being the mother of your children.”
A line in the Jataka tales (tales about the Buddha's past lives) says that “Women desire rich lovers like cows seeking new pastures” (p. 76). These illustrations suggest that women who did not fit the model of motherhood, like unmarried women, divorcées, or mae chii, might have always been viewed with suspicion, with a projection of the male-typical boundless and uncontrollable sexual desires on to them.
Sex with commercial sex workers is widely accepted by almost all male adults, regardless of age, socioeconomic class, or marital status. After marriage, Thai men seem be monogamous with their wives for a period of time, although the duration of this monogamy has not been investigated. A great number, however, resume their use of commercial sex, often in the context of all-male, “husbands' night out” socialization with their peers.
Married men reported that their sexual desires are enhanced due to the alcohol and the sex talk among the men. Married women, on the contrary, reported that after a long day of work outside and inside the home, they were not sexually thrilled by their husbands' drunken manners and alcohol smells, and many refused to have sex. Other couples reportedly avoided this conflict by having an a priori agreement that the husbands could take their sexual desire elsewhere.
Moreover, the villagers reported other common causes of diminished sexual attraction within the couple. Women reported that the strenuous work inside and outside the home caused them to be exhausted, irritable, and uninterested in sex, and their husband's drinking and gambling with male friends did not help. Men, on the other hand, commented on their wife's homely appearance, angry temperament, and sexual unresponsive-ness, all of which made them turn to drinking, gambling, and commercial sex as recreation. As this spiral of blame and self-defense continued, conflicts and resentment grew. Following what they had seen in other couples, many women decided that consenting to their husband's use of commercial sex could relieve this dilemma. Thus, the use of commercial sex by married men is often consented to or known by their wives. For both men and women, the husband's extramarital sex is not a cause of marital conflicts, but an attempted solution designed to preserve their marriage.
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